Go to Admin » Appearance » Widgets » and move Gabfire Widget: Social into that MastheadOverlay zone
Letter of Protest
To: HE Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, President of FGS
HE Mohamed Osman, Speaker of Parliament
HE Aydid Abdillahi Ilka Xanaf, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the FRS
HE Harriet Mathews, British Ambassador
HE Michael Keating, SRSG
HE Mohamed Affey, IGAD Envoy
HE Michele Cervone, EU Special Envoy to Somalia
The Garowe Agreement : A threat to Unity Peace and Stability
We the undersigned, on behalf of Dhulbahante, at home and worldwide, would like to first and foremost present our compliments to your esteemed excellencies. Secondly, we would like to convey to you our outrage at what took place in Garawe and our outright and unreserved rejection of the Garawe Agreement that enticed Puntland to end its opposition to the 4.5 formula for MPs election at our cost as people of SSC regions.
As we know, the Prime Minister of Somalia, Mr Omar Abdirashid, returned the other day to his native territory, Puntland, and to his home town, Garawe, leading a high-powered delegation from the Somali federal government. His mission, as it turns out, was to woo and pamper Puntland to accept the 4.5 formula for the election of MPs to the federal houses of Parliament. To bolster the success of his mission, he was accompanied by bigwigs from the international community. Needless to say, what was earlier billed as mission impossible has ended in success with Puntland accepting what it has hitherto refused to accept.
One might ask what has suddenly changed the minds of the Puntland political establishment hitherto intransigently opposed to the 4.5 formula? We know now to our horror that what prevailed over Puntland was the booty offered which they could not refuse – the SSC regions, a gift which give them the power to manage the selection of SSC MPs which Puntland will ensure are loyal to them than to their own Khatumo just like those handpicked, so-called SSC “representatives” resident in Garawe. This is daylight robbery of the rights of SSC people, which in Somali parlance can only be described as “Biliiliqaysi” – the dispossession of the weak by the strong, a continuing relic from the dark days of the civil war.
Clearly, Puntland’s tactic for baulking at the 4.5 formula, all alone among the regional federal States, and holding out for a better special deal, has paid off, an achievement all the more sweet when their federal and international interlocutors have to come all the way to Garawe to offer tantalising concessions too good to resist. It is not the first time that Puntland triumphed over contrived crisis it generated and it would not be the last.
Puntland’s legal bases to challenge Khatumo
What is outrageous about the Garawe Agreement is the basis on which Puntland’s concocted claim on the SSC regions was endorsed. The P rime Minister, acting more like an advocate of his native Puntland region rather than a dispassionate national leader, spuriously justified his decision on the basis of the 1998 clan accord in Garawe that established Puntland. That was of course a voluntary accord among several kindred clans straddling the old colonial border between British and Italian Somaliland. Nothing in that accord deny any clan its right to freely withdraw from it without going through any prescribed legal or constitutional rigmarole. Only the national constitution proscribed that and the Puntland accord is not the national constitution.
The Establishment and Reality of Khatumo
The SSC regions, exercising their democratic rights, withdrew from Puntland and established their own Khatumo State of Somalia in 2012 at Taleex, the historically famous base of the Somali liberation hero, Sayid Mohamed Hassan((1901-1921). The Taleex conference was a regional and clan political assembly, the likes of it has not been seen before in Somalia. Over 4000 delegates attended it, including all the paramount traditional leaders, almost all the Chiefs, and representatives from all sections of civil society, above all the diaspora. Such was the pull of the conference nationally that it was covered by the leading Somali TV satellites of for the duration of the conference (see attached video clip showing each traditional leader supporting the outcome of the conference). Amin Amir, the well-known Somali cartoonist, contributed to the occasion with a memorable cartoon in tune with the times and moods of the Somali people (attached), depicting the dawn of democracy at the grassroots/regional level.
The conference decision to withdraw from Puntland and establish Khatumo State was unanimous and finally given the seal of approval and adoption by the traditional leaders, the highest authority of the SSC regions at the time. In order not to leave any doubts in the minds of Puntland political establishment and their civil society, and for the benefit of the wider Somalia and international attention, the traditional leaders also signed a separate document declaring the SSC’s formal withdrawal from Puntland. It was a decision bearing all the hallmarks of the exercise of democracy, inclusiveness, consensus and ownership. It represented the democratic will of the Dhulbahante clan hailing from the SSC regions. Those in Somalia who have no respect for these cherished democratic principles, are the ones, like Puntland, who are still hung up on the dark days of clan warlordism and the hegemony of the strong over others which brought down the Somali State and its disastrous aftermath still lingering to the present time.
Support for Khatumo from succeeding governments
The Previous transitional government an
d the current federal government have supported Khatumo as a State in their different ways. Strange as it may seem, the most forthright support came from the current nemesis of Khatumo, President Abdiweli Gaas of Puntland. He was the first to de facto recognise Khatumo State when he, in his capacity as the PM of the Transitional Government led by Sheikh Shariif Ahmed, issued an official attestation (attached), recognising the existence of Khatumo. The newly bor
n State also had support from the two previous Prime Ministers: HE Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed, in a letter to UN Secretary-General, Baan-ki-Moon (attached), “strongly” reiterated to the SG the commitment of the Federal Government of Somalia to peace, stability and security of the SSC Regions “in line with the will and the choice of the SSC people” – meaning their establishment of Khatumo.
Clearly, the current position of Puntland is one running counter to the free will of the people of the SSC regions and their democratic choice. It is also one in denial of the support it had from leaders of previous Somali governments, above all the current President of Puntland, Mr Abdiweli Gaas.
The Anomaly of the Khatumo MPs Selection
There is paten anomaly in the selection of MPs in the case of the Dhulbahante that put them apart from other clans as is clear from the following clarifications:
Rather than respecting and supporting this democratic exercise and choice, the signatories to the Garawe Agreement, guided by realpolitik and expediency, chose to ride roughshod over the inalienable rights of the Khatumo people. Unless this egregious act is rescinded immediately, it would be an invitation to inflaming and fanning the crisis already raging in this part of Somalia. The international signatories to the Garawe Agreement allowed themselves to be party to shenanigans that are bound to have serious inimical ramification to the detriment of peace and stability in the region.
Lessons from the Isaak Exit from Somalia
The northern clans in former British Somaliland were the mai
n champions for the union with Italian Somaliland. In the face of southern foot-dragging and lukewarm support for the union, the northerners had to let southerners appropriate almost all the key posts in the government, military, police and civil service to ensure the union was consummated. The prevailing ardour for the union was initially so strong that most Isaaks had to put up with these glaring injustices. But human endurance is not inexhaustible and when the Isaaks reached their breaking point, they jumped ship and declared their secession from Somalia in May 1991. Until now, no other clan had followed them. But the factors that drove the Isaak to secede still persist and getting worse as is happening to the Dhulbahante.
The Likely Dhulbahante Exit from Somalia and the Union
Southerners have learnt little from the Isaaq secession and the factors that drove them to this desperate act. For their turn, the Dhulbahante had been far more stoical than the Isaaks in putting up with far worse injustices and suffering. Not only are their regions the least developed and the most neglected ones in the whole of Somalia but far more painful than that in human terms is their daily struggle with the secessionist occupiers with all its attendant atrocities, oppression and deprivations, paying the price for defending Somali unity when everyone else in southern Somalia, as leaders, parliament and elites, are preoccupied with their personal interests and not sparing moral and material aid to those making colossal sacrifices to defend the union.
Unlike their Isaak brothers – more prone to throw in the towel when they feel they had enough – the Dhulbahante simply stayed the course in Somalia until now. But like their Isaak brothers, they may have been pushed too to the end of their endurance. They joined the union not so much to seek bounties but simply happy with the union as an end in itself and to take their rightful place in Somalia- equal to all other clans.
What the Garawe Agreement does is the greatest affront to the Dhulbahante people when they had been given away as a dowry to another fellow Somali clan. This is the final straw that broke the camel’s back. Unless this offensive unacceptable act is nullified by Parliament or the relevant court, it could lead not only to open conflict between the clans concerned, but also herald Khatumo’s exit from the Union. It is the current Somali leaders and their international backers who will go down in history as the ones who brought about the break-up of Somalia with all its consequences for the whole region.
Southern leaders might think the secession of the clans of the northern regions would have no impact on them. On the contrary, it is likely to unravel a Pandora box and encourage other clans in southern Somalia to take the same secession route if marginalised or grossly wronged and reckon they will be better off outside the union, taking Somaliland as an example. Secessions in Somalia could easily have a spillover in neighbouring countries which have histories of secessionist movements- There is time to undo the unjust act against Khatumo at Garawe, assuming the signatories care about Somalia, peace and stability in the region.
Please accept the assurances of our highest considerations
He Mohamed Yusuf Halac, former President of Khatumo State of Somalia;
Khatumo Federal Members of Parliament;
Dhulbahante Traditional Leaders
Dhulbahante Intellectuals and Diaspora Communities
Dhulbahante Religious Leaders
Dhulbahante Civil Society(women and Youth Organisations
Figradihiina